Focusing on migrant trafficking, Peixoto et al. In the same research the authors also examine Brazilian immigration which registered an important growth roughly at the same time as Eastern European migration. In addition, by drawing on information available through the files of court cases in Portugal this research is original both in the methodology used and in the empirical data collected.
In a book published the same year, Ferreira et al. This research presents a more structuralist view of how migrations are shaped by larger macro-economic contexts. In the initial important publications regarding Ukrainian migration to Portugal referred to above, it is noteworthy that Ukrainian migration is never considered individually but always as part of a larger Eastern European group which arrived more or less at the same time and which shared common migration dynamics.
The Ukrainians constituted, nonetheless and from the outset, the largest national group, by far, within this Eastern European contingent. However, since those early years of Eastern European migration to Portugal, when Russians, Romanians and Moldovans constituted a much smaller share Baganha et al. However, there are still few studies exploring the specific characteristics of this migration flow to Portugal.
Subsequent studies examples below aimed at expanding the understanding of the settlement patterns of Ukrainian immigrants in Portugal by looking at work, housing, legal status, education, access to health care and religion, within the realm of a conceptual framework of integration. The integration of Ukrainian immigrants in Portugal was approached both globally, at the national level, and in specific local and socio-professional contexts the health-care sector in particular where empirical data on the basic features of the phenomenon were missing.
This approach was mostly a response to policy concerns by Portuguese institutions that had to react to the presence of large numbers of immigrants previously unknown in the country and who were ill prepared in terms of language skills and knowledge of prevailing norms, including both accessing rights and fulfilling obligations. In addition, widespread instances of immigrant exploitation and abuse both by those who had organized the migration from Ukraine as well as nearby countries and by less scrupulous employers for more details on the exploitative situations faced by Eastern European immigrants, see for example Pereira and Vasconcelos generated the need for an institutional response and thus for empirical evidence to support it.
Studies include both those that focused specifically on Ukrainian migration or on Eastern European population movements more generally, and those that incorporate Ukrainian migration as part of larger studies of immigration in Portugal some examples are Sousa , Oliveira , Hellerman , Miranda and Pereira Three of the more generalist studies developed in the mids stand out as more significant in their inclusion of Ukrainian immigration.
Wall et al. In the case of Ukrainian women the authors identify loneliness, lack of language skills, housing, working conditions, the legalization process, family reunification and issues with their children, discrimination and cultural shocks. Fonseca et al. Carneiro et al. The authors also identify a U-shaped trajectory with initial downgrade and progressive improvements with time of stay even though the time period considered for this evaluation is very limited. This section uses data gathered and published in previous studies: the two nationwide surveys of and by Maria Ioannis Baganha and her team; and the studies conducted by the Centre for Geographical Studies with Eastern European migrants in the Alentejo region Fonseca et al.
These data are the most comprehensive collected in the country in terms of both geographical coverage and survey dimensions. In addition, the data provide a time frame that ranges from initial stages of arrival in Portugal to more recent years, including the effects of the economic crisis Portugal has been experiencing since the end of In the THEMIS project, the Ukrainian immigrants interviewed were selected through a snowball sampling strategy and in the case of the survey a sample was selected using the respondent-driven sampling RDS method more details in Horgen Friberg and Horst and Kubal et al.
There is a slight predominance of men over women among the respondents It must also be noted that the proportion of men and women indicated in the population census is very similar to the figures obtained by the RDS estimator. The sample is therefore sufficiently robust and diverse to offer a reliable portrait of Ukrainian immigrants residing in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area. Since Ukrainians have ranked among the largest foreign-national groups in Portugal; between and they maintained a stable second position in the ranking of foreign nationals that reside legally in Portugal and in they fell to third position, after Brazil and Cape Verde, a position that was maintained in data from SEF.
The number of Ukrainian nationals grew until , registered a decline until and recovered in and The numbers have been declining since then from 52, in to 41, in Interestingly, the number of Romanian immigrants grew between and from 27, to 39, and only began to decline thereafter, falling to 34, in data from SEF. Immigration from Poland has not reached the same levels in Portugal as observed elsewhere only 1, registered by SEF in Around a large number of Ukrainians began to leave the country the number of registered legal residents dropped from 66, in to 39, in , either to return to their country of origin or to migrate further to other European countries taking advantage of labour market opportunities, for example in construction in Spain.
However, little is actually known about the exit patterns of Ukrainians who left Portugal at that time. One interview with the representative of a Ukrainian association in Portugal indicated that Ukrainians who had gone to Spain to take advantage of labour market opportunities and also of higher wages returned to Portugal when the crisis began to affect Spain and also because, in spite of the higher wages in Spain, Ukrainians prefer the greater stability they enjoyed in Portugal in other ways, such as the immigration regime and conviviality. However, this is only episodic evidence and further research would be needed to better understand the internal circulation of Ukrainian migrants in Europe.
In more recent years most of the arrivals have been due to family reunifications, with a falling labour market demand, particularly in the construction sector. Accurate numbers are difficult to obtain because even when family reunification is the primary reason, other types of permit — for example for employment or study purposes — may be used.
As documented elsewhere Fonseca et al. Those that arrived between and were mostly male By contrast, arrivals between and included Overall, migration is currently declining and its future rate is uncertain in view of the current low demand in the labour market in Portugal that has followed the effects of the international financial crisis of and the intervention of the Troika International Monetary Fund, European Central Bank and European Commission through an austerity plan. However, there are some signs of a tendency towards circular migration on the one hand, and permanence in Portugal on the other.
In addition, the political events that took place in Ukraine in late and throughout , including violent clashes, are likely to affect the migratory pressure with unknown consequences for further flows to destination countries where other Ukrainians have already settled. The flow of immigrants was at first by and large labour-market oriented and dominated by male adults, with an increasing number of women arriving in subsequent years. According to data from the population census, men represented This reflects processes of return to Ukraine but also of remigration to other European countries where labour market opportunities are better, especially for men who found themselves unemployed due to the crisis in the construction sector.
According to census data, in Ukrainian women who had still been resident in Ukraine in made up In the survey conducted in by Baganha et al. Concerning age profiles, Baganha et al. In , the average age of the Ukrainian population was 34 census data , that is 8. The average education level of these immigrants is high in comparison with both the Portuguese population and other third-country nationals.
In the sample surveyed by Baganha et al. The census indicates similarly high educational levels: secondary and post-secondary school levels were the most frequently found education levels among Ukrainian nationals, reaching Moreover, Earlier studies of Ukrainian migration to Portugal have identified the western part of Ukraine as the most important sending region, particularly the oblasts of Lviv, Ternopil, Khmelnytskyi, Ivano-Frankivski and Chernivts Baganha et al.
Other important sending regions identified by the same authors were Kyiv, Cherkasy and Donetsk. According to Baganha et al. These have all been longstanding destinations of Ukrainian migration and therefore it is unsurprising that prior migration experiences had taken place there. However, with time, we can observe some changing patterns of geographical concentration. Census data for processes of geographical mobility of Ukrainians in the period — also provide evidence of some, mostly short-distance, spatial mobility: It is worth noticing that the proportion of women who resided abroad in is higher than that of the men Various studies have shown that most Ukrainians first entered the country on Schengen tourist visas and remained irregularly until they obtained their first permit to stay legally.
A considerable number of these migrants benefited from the change in immigration law in Following the entry into force of the new legislation, irregular immigrants were able to obtain a permanence permit by presenting a contract of employment validated by the labour inspection authorities. This permanence permit needed to be renewed every year for 5 years as long as the immigrant presented a valid employment contract, after which they would gain access to a residence permit.
In , 64, Ukrainians out of a total of 66, legal residents had obtained a permanence permit.
OQ. CONSULTING BV
Despite successive regularization campaigns see also Chap. Ukrainians initially found jobs mostly in construction, industry and agriculture, generally in unskilled occupations, despite their medium-high qualifications Baganha et al. In time, a number of them were able to obtain jobs more in line with their qualifications. One such example was a programme to enable medical doctors to obtain recognition of their competencies which ran in Eastern European doctors completed the course successfully and again in , sponsored by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.
This evidence matches the information gathered in the semi-structured interviews. Despite this, in , and according to the population census, the low-skilled and low-paid jobs were still predominant: Among Ukrainian women, the most frequent jobs were cleaning services in private dwellings, hotels and offices At the higher end of the occupational hierarchy the presence of Ukrainian citizens is minimal.
Migration of Ukrainian Nationals to Portugal: The Visibility of a New Migration Landscape
Interestingly, similar concentrations of Ukrainians are not found in the workplace. Most immigrants interviewed for different research projects showed that theirs was largely a work-driven migration with mostly a short-to-medium-term stay in Portugal in mind, very much rooted in the intention of sending remittances back to Ukraine. According to a national survey conducted in December and January Fonseca et al. The same survey also confirms the trend towards onward migration from Portugal: The evaluation is even better if quality of life apart from economic issues is considered.
In this case, The same data indicate that most Ukrainians perceive Portugal as a country where immigration policies are not very strict However, regarding the economic opportunities available in Portugal, opinions are more mixed: Transnational links with the country of origin are generally maintained through regular communication, travel and remittances.
Communication by any means with people back in Ukraine is also regular: In the month preceding the interview most of them had communicated with close family members — mother , sister 92 , daughter 87 , son 84 — and friends, colleagues or classmates — male , female As far as remittances are concerned, Fonseca et al. More recent research indicates that sending remittances to Ukraine is still very important.
The same data also indicate that investments made in the origin country mostly involved housing Ukrainian migration to Portugal took place mostly between the late s and early s. Initially, it was largely male migration with work objectives and short-term migration projects. This process was enabled by a major demand for labour in the construction sector at that time, due to large public works being carried out in the country.
The work of people smugglers and traffickers, and social networks established and perpetuated this migratory movement. The lack of previous links in the country facilitated geographical dispersal throughout the territory. Overall, this was a unique immigration experience for Portugal, where previous significant migration had originated in former colonies with historical connections to the country, shared language and social networks that generated large immigrant settlements in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area and smaller concentrations elsewhere in the Algarve for example.
Over time, there has been an increasing participation of Ukrainian women, associated largely with processes of family reunification, and short-stay projects have turned into medium-to-long-term settlement. Nevertheless, after Ukrainians both returned to Ukraine and moved on to other European countries with more attractive labour market opportunities. Initially, entry was largely irregular, with tourist visas for Schengen followed by a period of irregularity until a permit was obtained.
Portuguese immigration legislation has allowed irregular immigrants the opportunity of obtaining a valid permit to reside in the country if they can prove their participation in the labour market through contracts and respective social security payments. Another topic requiring more in-depth research is the transnational practices adopted by Ukrainian nationals who have settled in Portugal more permanently towards both Ukraine and other destinations of Ukrainian migration. As regards their settlement patterns in Portugal, continuity with the research that began in the early years of Ukrainian migration to the country is important, so that the dynamics of their prolonged stay, the effects on them of the post economic crisis and the resulting strategies they have developed can be captured.
It is nonetheless interesting to note: 1 how overwhelmingly short-to-medium-term plans have turned into more permanent settlement for at least a proportion of Ukrainian immigrants; and 2 that their evaluation of the effects of migration on their life trajectories is mostly positive, even though they have experienced de-skilling in the labour market despite some upward mobility that has also taken place with time and their perception of economic opportunities in Portugal is more negative than positive. At the same time, one should not forget how many have acquired Portuguese nationality and the influence this will have on their future plans to remain in Portugal or migrate elsewhere in Europe.
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